The most controversial political office in the history of
Sri Lankan politics is unarguably the post of Executive Presidency. It was
established by the Second Republican Constitution in 1978. The mastermind in
implementing that, President J.R.Jayawardena wanted a stable government with a
firm executive free from the clutches of the legislature to rapidly develop the
country. At least that was his initial plan. Now more than four decades later
almost all the political experts agree to the fact that the Executive
Presidency has lost its initial purpose. It has drifted from the role of an
efficient ruler into a tyrant.
Failed promises and election manifestos to abolish the
executive presidency has been in the political arena for a long time. Many presidential
candidates promised to abolish it but later stick it to the office they
promised to abolish. Recently, the common candidate of the opposition promised
to abolish this office within 100 days. Even before the declaration of the
presidential election, the opposition parties, even parities from the ruling coalition
government and civil societies were lobbying for an abolition of the Executive
Presidency If not for a Constitutional Amendment to limit its power. Prominent
Buddhist monk, Ven Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero had taken an early lead in shaping
the public opinion regarding this issue. Initially, Sobitha Thero was not
convinced of abolishing that post entirely. He wanted the incumbent president
not to go for an election but to amend the constitution, to at least limit the tyrannical
powers of the executive.
Even long before the election of the incumbent president on
whose term the powers of the executive was abused to the eternity, according to
some political experts, Sri Lanka had a mechanism to somewhat limit the power
of the executive in appointing members to independent commissions. It was the
17th Amendment to the Constitution. With that amendment,
presidential control on the public service, judicial service, elections and
Finance was drastically limited. Although the amendment was introduced in October
2001, it was never fully implemented or exercised effectively. Finally it was
all but repealed by the 18th Amendment in 2010.
This article will analyze the 17th Amendment and how
it controls the executive.
The main purpose in enacting the 17th Amendment
was to limit the presidential powers in appointing the members of the
independent commissions. It is obvious that if they are to be appointed solely
on the discretion of the president, the independence of those commissions would
be compromised.
Constitutional
Council
Composition
The Constitutional Council was the epicenter of this
amendment. It consisted of (a) the Prime Minister (PM) (b) the Speaker (c) the
Opposition Leader (d) a person appointed by the President (e) five members
appointed by the President on the nomination of both the PM and the Opposition
Leader (f) one person nominated by the other political parties. Out from the
five members appointed by the President, three should be from the minority
communities. Those members in d, e and f category should not belong to any
political party. It was a good chance that those members are from the intellectual
faction of the society. When removing those, the PM and the Opposition Leader
both has give consent. This prevented arbitrary removals by the President.
Even if we assume that the President’s party controls the
majority and the government and the PM is from that party, the President can’t
appoint the people he likes. The factions of the Constitutional Council don’t
sit in the favor of the President. The appointed members by the PM and the Opposition
Leader (minority communities have 3 seats) will be independent and may stand up
to the appointment which are unfavorable to them.
In a hypothetical situation; typical constituent of the Council
President’s Side
|
Others
|
PM
|
Opposition Leader
|
Speaker
|
Minority party nominee
|
One nominated member by the President
|
5 X member nominated by both PM and Opposition leader
|
3
|
7
|
Working of the Council
Council makes appointments according to two methods
41B: Council recommends personnel for certain independent
commissions. It’s only upon the Council’s recommendations that the President
can appoint them. Arbitrary removal is
prevented by requiring the consent of both the PM and the Opposition Leader. Recommendations
should be approved by more than 4 members of the Council.
The independent commissions;
- · The election commission
- · The public service commission
- · The national police commission
- · The human rights commission
- · Bribery commission
- · Finance commission
- · Delimitation commission
41C: President can appoint them by only after the Council
has approved the appointments. These appointments included key persons in
administration
- · Chief Justice and the Judges of the Supreme Court
- · The President and the Judges of the Court of Appeal
- · Members of the Judicial Service Commission except for the chairman
- · The Attorney General
- · The Auditor General
- · The Inspector General of Police
- · Ombudsman
- · The Secretary General of Parliament
The Constitutional Council was made immune to judicial proceedings
other than proceedings on the article 126. It is clear to say that the
Constitutional Council is the stepping stone for the appointment for all the
key administrative and judicial personnel. Since the Constitutional Council can’t
be handled by the President according to his discretion, the appointments for
the commissions will also be independent. This is much needed one because all
the key governmental positions are now handled by the people appointed by the
President according to his will without referring to any advice from anyone
whatsoever. Public service and Judicial service was hit severely. The prominent
example was the appointment of the Former Attorney General who was the head of
a government department to the position
of Chief Justice(CJ) which needed to be as independent as independent can be!!!
Government’s chief law officer who represented the government in litigation can
be assumed to have an inclination towards favoring the person who appointed
him. This position clearly illustrated by the Supreme Court decision on the
validity of removing the former CJ.
54: Public service commission was appointed by the Council. It
takes the power of the president to appoint, remove, transfer, promote and take
disciplinary actions. Heads of the departments and policy making was still
vested in the cabinet. Military commanders are appointed by the President upon
his power of the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces. Even with the above limitations,
the Public Service was controlled by an independent commission appointed by
independent Council. That was a progressive move for an uncorrupt public
service. Interference with the Public Service Commission was also deemed to be
a punishable offence making political interference impossible at least theoretically.
103(1): Election commission was appointed by the
Constitutional Council with the aim to enforce free and fair elections and
referenda. It can prohibit the use of public property for election purposes. It
can appoint a management for government media corporations such as Sri Lanka
Broadcasting Corporation and Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation if they failed to
comply with the election commissioner’s guidelines thus preventing the use of
government media inappropriately. The wide powers of this commission extend
even to the deployment of Police and Armed Forces personnel. All of the above
to ensure the right of free and fair elections. Since the commission was to be
appointed by an independent Council, the members of the commission were also
deemed to be independent.
National Police Commission and Judicial Service commission
were also appointed by the Council with the aim of independently controlling
the police and judicial service respectively. Specially, for the enhancement of
the rule of law of a country, the need of an independent judicial service is
eminent. The body that controls the judges should also be independent. It all
comes to an Independent Constitutional Council free from the control of the
President to appoint the Judicial Service Commission.
The 17th Amendment was enacted in 2001 it was
operational for almost 9 years until it was repealed by the 18th
Amendment. We should have the question of whether the independent
Constitutional Council was effective in those 9 years. Unfortunately it had
become the victim of the partisan politics that plagued our country since the
independence. There is a fundamental flaw in the Constitutional Council. In appointing
members for the Council, agreement between the Prime Minister and the
Opposition Leader needed to be made. What if they couldn’t reach for an agreement?
That halted the whole process. Also nothing could be done for the
non-inclination of the President to accept the recommendations of the Council.
Since the President is immune to judicial inquiry, no proceedings could be
initiated against the President. The only remedy was bringing an impeachment
against the President according to the Article 38(2) of the Constitution
alleging intentional violation of the Constitution but it is apparent that it is easier for a camel to go through the
eye of a needle than for the legislature to impeach the President with the
existing constitutional provisions.
Until it is repealed by the 18th Amendment,
although the 17th Amendment was a part of our constitution, the
Constitutional Council was poorly performed due to the tug of war between the
government and the opposition parties. The inherent flaws of appointment
procedure and the lack of provisions to tackle the insubordination by the
President for the recommendations by the Council rendered the 17th
Amendment useless.
Now the political arena was full of promises to clip the
wings of the tyrant executive and even to restore a prime minister who is
responsible for the parliament. i believe that, right now there is no hurry to
completely reverse the Executive Presidential system or make a complete
constitutional reversal but some amendments like 17th needed to be
implemented. It will be important not to repeat the same mistakes of the 17th
Amendment. Controls to the Executive Presidency and remedies if the President
did not comply to the recommendations made by the constitutional amendment can
be incorporated. Impeachment procedure of the President will also need to be
changed.
It is far easier and less risky to tame the fiery dragon
than to kill it and recruit another. It is not wrong to say that there are some
advantages of having an Executive President as well. It will be a great
political victory if all of us can find a way to keep the benefits of the
Presidency while removing the tyrannical aspects of it.
thank you for the information. Are you from any legal background?
ReplyDeleteExactly i too do not want to remove this EP as a whole but need to bring amendments to tame the tyrant. Between we need to see why 17A was not successfully implemented and think of ways to implement it strongly.
ReplyDeleteYes. It is far more easier to re-enact the 17th than to bring a constitutional amendment to abolish the executive presidency. Even Mahinda Rajapaksha could have done it without tarnishing his image as the savior of the country from the clutches of the LTTE.
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